Dear Riigikogu,
Dear Chairman of the Riigikogu,
Dear members of the Government,
Dear fellow countrymen and guests!


At the end of summer, school season starts for the young, and the political season starts for the state and the people. I spoke at several schools, and the schools spoke of their happiness, diligence and hopes for the Estonian future. Once again, I realised how much we owe to our teachers. Now, I use the rostrum of the Riigikogu to open the political season. I bring with me the joy and brilliance of Estonia's youth, but also my own generation's concern for the crisis of values that I sense to be ongoing in Estonia and in the world.

We can picture in a vivid and captivating manner the impending threats to Estonia and the world: the widening gap between the rich and the poor, the population explosion in the world, and the population diminishing tendency in Estonia, the ever more extreme opposition of different races and cultures, and their readiness to armament that no one seems able to put an end to, the waste of natural resources, the diminishing of the number of species on Earth, holes in the ozone layer and the warming world climate. The better we know these threats, the less - it seems to me - are we able to face them, and this makes me feel uneasy.

Please do not think that by enlisting global problems, I try to avoid problems in Estonia. In one way or another, all these problems are manifest here just as critically. And I can see only one possibility to conceive these problems and to find solutions. We must reach a new understanding of ourselves, a new understanding of our opportunities, we must understand our relations with the world, and discover and shape new relations with our immediate neighbours and the metaphysical essence of the world at large, which is the source of moral order.

This summer, I once sat by the sea. The chair I was sitting on was a twin to the chair I have at Paslepa. I heard some music that is most common in the majority of Estonian restaurants. The advertisements were well known to me. And above all, I was surrounded by the young and free people, who were dressed just like the young people in Estonia, and were drinking the same beverages that are drunk in Estonia. But they were mostly Japanese, and the city I was in was called Vancouver.


Yes - this too is an experience important for me. I wondered what such globalisation would mean to Estonia's small culture. We all watch CNN, we know Schumacher, Salman Rushdie, or Tina Turner. It could perhaps be hoped that such global communication, which also mediates common emotions and common values, could strengthen the world and protect it against everything situated outside this common electronic life?

I think we should consider this, and understand that we are perhaps all covered by a huge modern skin, but underneath, the organs of different cultures are still functioning, the sensitive nervous system is still working. This modern electronic skin conceals the different value systems of innumerable peoples, worlds of religion, historical traditions, and historically developed systems of values. It is a thin layer of polish - and let us emphasise, a protecting layer of polish, because just like the universe, also cultures have the tendency to expand, to deepen, to speak up, to claim their rights. Never in its history has humankind been so rich of the colours, customs, and languages of different cultures.

Hence, I continue with my political conclusions.

The above was not meant as a comfort to the Eurosceptics, whose prime and most honourable concern is the fate of Estonian culture in uniting Europe. My dear fellow combatants from the days of russification, I can answer you with a firm conviction: the continuity of small cultures and languages is guaranteed only in united European Union. Culture can only survive and strengthen in the open world, not on a diet.

Second. The European Union unites sovereign nations, and therefore, referendum is not inevitable. Yet I am for the referendum - and the sooner the better, so that the people of Estonia would be able to make a firm decision about their fate. And the word and the spirit of the Constitution of Estonia set the sovereignty of Estonia to be our supreme value.

Third. The ESTO festival in Toronto and Vancouver, and more widely in Canada, indicated that our compatriots in the whole world have sensed and will sense also in the future the opportunity and need to promote their historical home country as a political force. They are still Estonia's representatives abroad. Estonia is now an independent state, but their political activities have not come to an end, they have just acquired another form. Our fellow countrymen have opportunities that our country does not have. They have the opportunity to influence directly the governments of their countries of residence through their Members of Parliament to consider Estonia's interests and support the cause of our country. Let us, besides cultural exchange, also organise a constant and accurate exchange of information for the accomplishment of political goals, so that the patriotism of our fellow countrymen abroad would support the Republic of Estonia - especially in priority issues where our embassies with their small staff can not or even must not interfere.


Fourth. Two years ago, I quoted from this rostrum the words of Benjamin Franklin, the favourite author of Ernst Jaakson: "We have given you a republic, if you can keep it."

With these words, I switch to the subject of national defence. First of all, I wish to thank you for supporting my proposal concerning the new Commander of the Defence Forces on August 28. Thus, you supported the civilian control in the command of the defence forces. The defence forces are a very special organisation, whom we have trusted with powerful arms and whose members we have taught how to take other people's lives if need be. Therefore, the demands of subordination to civilian authorities, the authorities elected by the people, set by the European tradition to the military are very strict, much stricter than those set to any other institution. This is in the interests of the people of Estonia, of every existing and coming Riigikogu.

The Riigikogu released the commander of the Defence Forces in accordance with the procedures provided in the Constitution. In his article "The President did not Violate the Constitution" in "Eesti Päevaleht", Rein Müllerson, a Professor of the London University, one of the leading experts of international law, gives a calm and professional legal evaluation of the events. We can all of us only learn from the statesmanship of this experienced lawyer.

Many people can not understand the role of the Commander of the Defence Forces in the modern society, and look instead for examples from the times of General Laidoner, when the Commander of the Army considered his office to end only with his life. Do not be confused by the fact that the appointment of the Commander of the Defence Forces is similar to that of the appointment of the Auditor General or the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court. Despite that, it is not like an independent institution, independent of the President of the Republic or the Government. If our politicised legal experts claim this to be the case, they will hoist themselves with their own petard. The Commander of the Defence Forces is subordinate to civilian power, clearly and indisputably, or not at all. Here there is no alternative.

The coming year sets great tasks in the field of national defence to the President, the Riigikogu, and the Government. I have always strongly supported the increase of the defence expenditure to two per cent of the GNP. I also request our parliament to support this cause in the discussion of our next year's budget, the budget of the year 2001. Of course, this also means reforms in national defence that would ensure the accurate and purposeful usage of the increasing resources. Every year, we should ask ourselves: how much has Estonia's defence capability actually grown this year? This is the best measure of our expenses. This is important for us, but also for our friends in NATO.

Right now, national defence is establishing itself a definite framework and a clear institutional system. I am glad that the command system reform working group working with the National Defence Council will soon present its final report. This should solve the debatable issues that have troubled the Estonian defence forces for such a long time, and shape the modern European system for commanding the defence forces. In many fields, we are proud of our modern and effective solutions. It is only natural for us to set our goals just as high in national defence.

Soon several important draft acts, including the drafts of the new Peacetime National Defence Act and the new Defence Forces Act, will be presented to the Parliament. I hope these acts will be discussed without party or institutional limitations or heated emotions related to the approaching presidential elections. It is our aim to avoid obscure wordings that would increase the possibilities for different interpretations and obfuscation, and to put all the command of the defence forces to words in a clear, accurate and unambiguous manner. This is a cause I support as President of the Republic.

Fifth: The European Union. Our readiness to accede to the European Union does not mean that on the day of accession, a number of laws necessary for integration will enter into force. Accession means that all laws necessary for integration are already functioning here. Unfortunately, the civil and criminal code of the Estonian SSR are still valid in the Republic of Estonia. In this context I hope that the proceedings of the Law on Obligations Act and the Penal Code will be efficient in the Riigikogu. The Law on Obligations Act, for instance, is expected both by minor consumers and major enterprise owners. It is clear that without a European act regulating civil turnover there is no place for us in the European Union. And it is regrettable that formally, the logic of the criminal law of a totalitarian country is still in fore here. The Estonian citizens are looking forward to the safety that would spring from new legal acts.

Sixth: Estonia's place in the world. Estonia's sovereignty is most directly dependent of Estonia's position in the world. In June this year, in Washington, we celebrated the anniversary of the non-recognition policy of the Soviet occupation. This has been an important pillar for the legal continuity of our state and the restoration of our statehood.

Seventh: The state's ability to solve the problems facing it with a foresight of administration. This takes us to today's problems. The oil price crisis in the world, the tides of tensions - we are all connected to these. It is our task, in the low tide of these influences and counter-influences, to strengthen Estonia's welfare and the world's safety. The Riigikogu has shown its ability of pursuing a balanced and prospective budget policy. The economising of state expenditure is only now starting to bear its first fruits. It is very important for the Riigikogu not to err from the chosen path. Estonia is a brave small country to be taken seriously. But even more is expected from us. This will not make our life simpler. The development of a state's foresight, the development of foresight of administration, is one of the fundamental issues of every state. Also Estonia's ability to solve our problems of poverty, regional development, or museum-building, depends on this.

And finally: the tense relations between the coalition and the opposition trouble me. During this meeting, I hope to meet the leaders of both opposition and coalition, in order to search the possibility of consensus in certain points, for mutual understanding and recognition. There is a certain unwillingness from both sides concealed in these tense relations; an unwillingness that we have to forge into capability of both sides.

This meeting of the Riigikogu was preceded by a meeting with the faction representatives and leaders of the Constitutional Committee and the National Defence Committee. I am glad that the candidacy of Rear Admiral Tarmo Kõuts has met the support of political parties. Also the candidacy of Priit Kama to the post of Legal Chancellor is acceptable to most of the Riigikogu factions. We have to give the young generation a chance to take the responsibility for Estonia. The burden of building up and strengthening of the rule of law in Estonia can only be trusted to someone who is free of totalitarian thinking.

With this conviction and these words, I wish the Riigikogu a season full of work, disputes, and I hope, unanimity.

God save Estonia!

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