Speeches
Search in Speeches:
 
printer friendly document

President of the Republic on Receiving the Annual Award of the Crans Montana Foundation
27.06.1997

Mr Carteron,
Excellencies,
Ladies and Gentlemen,

In response and gratitude for the kind words of recognition to Estonia and to myself, I would like to speak today about the very first thing on my mind. I would like to share Estonia's concentrated experience with you.

Since regaining independence in 1991 Estonia has had to cover all the way from a totalitarian lifestyle in an occupied country to European-style politics, economy and culture. Indeed, in our minds we were ready for this struggle. For half a century a very intensive process of brainwashing had been going on, aimed at making Estonians forget. Estonians did not forget.

And neither did the nations of the world who maintained that Estonia had never ceased to be, that tyranny never brings forth new justice or new consequences in international law. That is why next year the Republic of Estonia will be able to celebrate its 80th birthday.

Maps may be redrawn. But not always can the world agree to it. Estonia is a case of this kind.

But the transition period in Estonia simultaneously meant a transition period for all Europe. And I would today like to emphasize one particular aspect of this period - even if it might seem self-evident: the moment of regaining freedom was a time of short-lived but very great, even miraculous concord. The subsequent use of freedom, however, has turned out to be an era of countless discords and a display of different interests instead of a distinct common interest.

There are quite a few to whom such development of matters has come as a great and unpleasant surprise. Who think that the Sunday of freedom should last for ever and who see the prose of freedom - the routine of freedom, if you like - as a kind of aberration. In transition countries in particular great pains still must be taken to explain that it is just those different interests of individuals, social groups, regions, even whole countries, that keep the wheels of democracy going and without which there would be no market economy nor any sense in international development.

But in all Europe pains still must be taken to differentiate between special interests and common interests. Such pains will never end. Another outstanding effort was made but a few days ago in Amsterdam. Madrid is in prospect. And in Central Europe we have not sat idle either: on the same day that the Foundation Act of NATO-Russia relations was finalized in Paris, the presidents of Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland and Ukraine met in Tallinn. Primarily for the same reason: to harmonize our individual, special interests and common interests. Not all of it is Sisyphean [sis'fi:'n] labour, although there are several who are bitterly disappointed after Amsterdam and before Madrid. But let us cast a glance behind: how many of Europeans' common interests could be kept in mind just half a century ago, when they obviously also existed? Or even ten years ago? When the Republic of Estonia, established in 1918, along with many other countries fell victim to the deal between Stalin and Hitler in the late 30s, there was no common European will to oppose it: there was no united European front. Europe looked in different directions.

And let that comparison bear out the following observation: history has begun to hurry, giving us a wonderful opportunity - quite unprecedented on our continent - for the rational and peaceful balancing of special and common interests. Today there can hardly be any doubt about it that the most important common interest of Europe as a whole and of an overwhelming majority of Europeans is the ever continuing process of integration of our continent, no matter how complex the intersection of special interests can be here. It is clear that in the foreseeable future an integrating Europe, too, can be but a fellowship of partners of very different weight, a Europe of giants and dwarfs, just as before. Yet I believe - I hope - that giant ambitions and dwarf complexes will never again plague Europeans themselves who, curiously enough, are all more or less the same size and equally vulnerable.

Estonia's most important special interest in this process is to be participating as fully as possible as soon as possible. Estonia has done all it could for it. How soon, in which order she will be allowed to participate, now rather depends on the fifteen intricately intersecting special interests than on ourselves. Estonia's special interest in this matter is in any case a common interest of Europe's. Whether the latter interest will actually triumph or whether the Fifteen will provisionally confine themselves to the mere overlap of their special interests - here Western Europe will have to decide on before the end of this year already.

At any rate Estonia is tenacious. Tenacious in her expectations as well. Not only have we experience and wisdom to offer the world, but also verve and dynamism.

We believe that at long last it will be possible to build a Europe where illusory security is no longer tacked together by means of bilateral deals over the head of a next-door neighbour. Our century should be experienced enough already to know that security must be all of one piece.

Nothing could be more pleasing to me than an understanding - or an assumption - that I too have worked in the name of that goal.

 

back | archive of speeches | main page

© 2001 Office of the President of the Republic
Phone: +372 631 6202 | Fax: +372 631 6250 | sekretar@vpk.ee
Reden Kõned Speeches Statements Interviews