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President of the Republic at the Opening of the International Security Conference
19.02.1997

Mr Chairman, Excellencies, Distinguished Guests,

It is my pleasure to open this conference on the security of the Baltic region -- a conference whose purpose is declared as stock-taking before the NATO summit. This conference is very timely, as it occurs during the week when the new US secretary is taking views and holding discussions with the leaders of NATO and Russia on a subject of overriding importance to us all.

Half a century ago the security architecture of Central and Eastern Europe was erected by the Great Power of the day in conformity to the boundaries of spheres of influence and regardless of those countries whose fate was decided.

Now it is the year 1997. Democracy is not an empty word of rhetoric as it used to be in this region. Even a small country has its own voice in 1997. Clearly and calmly we and our friends are saying a firm and friendly NO to any spheres of influence. It is not ''NO, we don't want them'', but ''NO, we won't have them''.

A world half a century older need not necessarily be as much the wiser. But at least we have learned that secret deals over the heads of third countries are no solution. This is why Estonia lays stress on these two keywords relative to NATO enlargement: openness and transparency. Therefore I wish you for the next few days, esteemed participants in the conference, an open discussion and a broad outlook, since the face of the 21st century is already being moulded by today's decisions.

Decisions are no easier to make today than half a century ago, although the options are of course much more pleasant. And they are more numerous too, even to the extent that the variants of EU and NATO enlargement tend to get out of decision-makers' hand. And when it is hard to decide, then certainly the most frequent decision taken in the lives of states as well as ordinary citizens, one that is made on the very first impulse, is the decision to delay decision.

Therefore I am particularly glad about Madeleine Albright's recent words to the effect that there can be NO delay about NATO enlargement and that no country's opposition can prevent NATO enlargement plans from being set this coming summer. Naturally it has to be done in such a way that enlargement should not happen at the expense of any country's security. As the colonial thinking of last century, alas, has not yet vanished from earth, first of all it takes some explaining that security is not milk you pour from one mug into another so that one will contain increasingly less and the other will brim over. We aim -- all of us -- to a level and stable balance that ensures the security of all.

Estonia has explained that for us aspiration to NATO means, in the first place, taking part in the reunification of Europe, replacing instability by stability, getting inseparably allied to countries whose very existence is based on respect of democratic values. And NATO has confirmed its wish to cooperate with all countries, not only by its rhetoric: it has proved it in practice by launching Partnership for Peace. It is now up to its partners how close cooperation they want. Estonia's choice is full NATO membership, and with this in mind we will put our shoulder to the wheel of Pfp.

Of course, it is up to NATO members to choose on what criteria and who will be invited to join NATO. These questions, ''who''and ''how'', are more important to Estonia and in fact to the whole world where principles are respected, than the question ''when''. The most important thing this late winter, as the day of decision is approaching, is to have a confident signal that July 8 in Madrid will not be ''the Last Judgement''. And nerve-rackingly late though it is, things are beginning to carry conviction that it really will not. This conviction feeds on my recent discussions with leaders of great powers. The question ''What should be done about the Baltic countries?'' has certainly not yet found its solution. But the question is no longer under the carpet, it is already on the table, and a lot of bright brains are working on it both in Europe and in the United States. And of course in Russia.

Tomorrow and the day after this question will be a challenge to you, honoured guests. Be fearless and clever as you analyze and anatomize the ideas advanced by Klaus Kinkel under the name of ''Abfederungsprozess'', those in the US Baltic Action Plan, or those by President Jacques Chirac about a special charter and associated members. Compare them and fuse them with suggestions from Estonia and the other Baltic states. Remember also that Estonia was one of the first states to join Partnership for Peace and has been among the most active participants there. Remember that, with our friends in Latvia and Lithuania, we started from the wreckage of the Soviet empire without any army of our own whatsoever, that we are now taking part in peace-keeping operations in Lebanon and Bosnia, that next summer Estonia will arrange large-scale international exercises involving 2,500 servicemen from eight NATO partner countries. I believe that military cooperation has been the one thing to prove the ability of Estonians to learn quickly. I also believe Estonia has proved the steadiness of her decisions.

At the same time, I know that I speak for my colleagues in the other Baltic States as well as for Estonia when I say that we are not overestimating our defence capability. We are aware of our shortcomings and will do everything possible to develop our defence forces and to modernize their equipment. An increase in defence spending means self-denial to our people, but it also shows their readiness to take such decisions. This proves that the conditions set by NATO do not scare us. We do not expect to be admitted by that organization with open arms: we will do everything to become a reliable and equal partner. We seek cooperation and membership on terms of mutual respect and shared values.

I will leave you with one last thought. It has been well said that the Baltic States, lying hard up against the borders of the GUS, are the very touchstone by which history will judge the ability of the nations of Europe together with the United States and Russia, to avoid mistakes of the past. My message is clear. Let there be no new Yalta. Let there be no new dividing lines across our homelands. The security and stability of this sub-region of Europe is vital to the creation of a live and lasting Pax Europa which will take us into the new millennium. That is our goal. That is what you are here to help achieve.

I wish you responsibility, good will and energy to think not only about today but about tomorrow as well.

 

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