Excellencies,
dear Head of State of the Republic of Latvia,
dear Foreign Minister of the brotherly Republic of Finland,
dear Ministers and Ambassadors Plenipotentiary!
Dear friends, my fellow citizens in Estonia and on all continents!


History is created by Man, and is created by him day in, day out. But on some rare occasions, history becomes crystallized as a visible and tangible symbol of the will of the people, as the sum of all that has been and a model for everything to come. Man perceives this as a new chapter in the book of time. In the book of time from which no page can be torn. Jefferson's Declaration of Independence; the storming of the Bastille; De Gaulle's and Adenauer's handshake, which marked the beginning of an integrating Europe - these were such symbols. And one of them is the Estonian declaration of independence, known as "Manifesto to All the Peoples of Estonia" of the 24th of February, 1918.

Excellencies! Dear fellow citizens! I congratulate you all on the occasion of the seventy-fifth anniversary of the Republic of Estonia!

2.

For the Manifesto is the Republic, and the Republic must be THAT Manifesto!

It was born of the will of our fathers and grandfathers right here, within a radius of a few hundred metres. "Shells of the Russian navy exploded above Tallinn, but the twenty-fourth of February was quiet, calm and sunny," recalls Peeter Kann, a future High Court Justice. The Manifesto, drafted by Juhan Kukk, a thirty-two-year-old activist of the cooperative movement and future minister of finance, was revised in the Bank of Estonia building just across the street from here, printed in the "Päevaleht" printing shop in Dunkri Street, and proclaimed next door: "Around eleven o'clock Konstantin Päts emerged from Reaalkool /Secondary Science School/, announced that Estonia had been declared independent, and read out the "Manifesto to All the Peoples of Estonia". The regiment and the crowd bared their heads; the regimental band played "Mu Isamaa" /the national anthem/."

3.

You might and, in fact, should wonder how a manifesto, printed in black letter on yellowish newsprint measuring 26 by 31 centimeters, could possibly determine history.

The Manifesto was able determine history, and it can mould our world today.

It could and it can, for the simple reason that the Council of Elders of the Estonian Diet, who proclaimed the Manifesto, were supported by the people's mandate. Without wanting to delve into history, I only wish to point out that the blend of ancient Estonian law and the Roman-Germanic legal system which had always functioned at the local government level, helped to uphold, over the centuries, the legal continuity of Estonia. Not just on parchment or paper: no, most effectively in the minds of the people. In achieving the right to self-determination, the Manifesto had restored the sovereignty of Estonia "within its historical and ethnographic boundaries", to use the definition of this very document. The direct reference in the opening lines of the Manifesto to ancient Estonia as a subject of international law, leaves no doubt that the act of self-determination as such was seen by the founding fathers of our state as the restoration of Estonia as a subject of ancient international law, in the garment of contemporary public law. Today, on the 75th anniversary of the Republic, I particularly want to emphasize one thing: had Estonia not been embraced under the umbrella of the Roman-Germanic legal system, we would not have had, in 1918, a Manifesto based on the people's mandate. Had we not had that Manifesto, today - 75 years later - would have found us reflecting in some other hall, in another tune and tongue.

4.

That is why I am perturbed by "Komsomolskaya Pravda", a Moscow newspaper which a week ago expressed its amazement at the anniversary of the Republic of Estonia, particularly at a jubilee anniversary, more particularly at the "unexpected", as the paper put it, 75th jubilee anniversary. We are used to considering that paper democratic. We are, just like other law-abiding European and American states, used to supporting the young Russian democracy. But more keenly than other European and American states do we sense how the economic chaos in our neighbor state has retarded its transition to a free market economy, strengthened the leadership of its military-industrial complex, and weakened the positions of the young Russian democracy. Has all that really reached such lengths already that pages should be torn off from the annals?
This, my friends, is not a rhetorical question.

This, dear heads of state who grace the Republic of Estonia and its seventy-fifth anniversary either personally or through the presence of your ministers or ambassadors tonight, is a troublesome question addressed to you.

5.

Excellencies, through you, I appeal to the world. I appeal to the Estonian people with a word of warning. Regrettably, the democratic rearrangements of our neighbor state are retreating before a new, aggressive conception of foreign policy, oriented to neocolonialism. Regrettably, the danger that all treaties of recent years on arms reduction and confidence building - which were welcomed with such sincere delight - are turning into mere pieces of paper is becoming a reality. I am directing your attention to a new foreign policy conception of the Russian Federation, recently published in issue no. 21-22 of the journal "Diplomatichesky Vestnik". With a cynical outspokenness, its author Karaganov claims that Russia is to pursue an active post-imperialist policy. With a cynical outspokenness Karaganov declares that they have to start with Estonia and Latvia. And unafraid to find himself in the same seat with bourbons, or - why not - even with Dr. Goebbels, or - why not - even with the so-called Academician Vyshinsky, who has who has gone on record both as the stage director of Moscow terror trials and the ambassador of his state to the United Nations, Karaganov foretells: the world will approve the economic sanctions Karaganov has designed for Russia against Estonia and Latvia. Russia continues to be more like a continent than a state, armed to the teeth with nuclear missiles, but also with the world's biggest propaganda machine. Estonia and Latvia continue to be among the smallest states of Europe like 75 years ago, an eyesore to the empire-minded, since it was us who brought along forbidden ideas of democracy from Europe; it was us who brought along behind the iron curtain the parliamentary tradition from Europe, which infected the Russian democracy; our country, this foot of ground here was the cradle of multi-party system, confidence in free market economy and in human rights - ideas and practices which began to spread here until they reached the shores of the Pacific, ideas and practices most dreaded by colonial states, or in fact the only survived colonial state, like plague was dreaded in the middle ages. And what if not the middle ages is it? Dear heads of state, what Karaganov demands from you is much the same as Hitler demanded in Munich: a legitimate right to use his armed forces for establishing a new rule on the territories of foreign states, the so-called nearby foreign countries. Does this include Alaska? The mouth of the Danube? Port Arthur and Harbin?

These ideas are now governing the Russian extremists, and please do not assume a superior or condescending attitude towards it as we all once did towards the ideas of "Mein Kampf": "Mein Kampf" was granted legitimacy in Munich and realized itself in Coventry and in Paris, in al-Alamein and in Stalingrad, in Monte Cassino and in the Ardennes. I expect - together with you, Excellencies - the Foreign Ministry of the Russian Federation to distance itself officially from Karaganov's doctrine, as I expect the Russian Federation to implement all its international commitments. The first among them is the Final Document of last summer's CSCE Summit where the Russian Federation pledged to an "early, orderly and complete" withdrawal of the armed forces now under its jurisdiction and still deployed in the Baltic States. This is the first priority for Estonia, and I do not think I am in error when I say, with Mr. Gorbunovs' permission, that it is also the first priority for Latvia. Our ultimate goal is to build our relations with the Russian Federation on the European model, in a way as friendly and as much based on cooperation as we have re-established our relations within a short time with Germany, France, the Nordic countries - in particular with Finland, Canada, and the United States, in whose congratulations to the Republic of Estonia Bill Clinton describes us as a model for rebuilding democratic institutions and converting to a free market economy. I avail myself of this opportunity to thank you all on behalf of my people for continuing to believe in us, in our devotion to the fundamental values of democracy, in our future - as firmly as the Estonian people have.

Allow me to assure you on my part: throughout the centuries Estonia has been the eastern frontier of the European legal system and shall remain as such. Over the centuries Estonia has admitted religious and political dissenters who have fled from Russia, and has granted them protection, a feeling of confidence and a secure home. They have become loyal citizens of the Republic of Estonia. They established schools in their native tongue and studied Dostoyevsky at the time when outside our borders, in the Soviet Union, Dostoyevsky's works were destroyed. They established their churches at the time when on the other side of the border monasteries were converted into concentration camps and clergymen were dragged to the scaffold like cattle. Estonia has been and will remain an open society, a part of Europe. It is precisely in the name of European values that Estonia needs a secure border. Not against Russia, but against Karaganov's doctrine, against organized crime, which has already infiltrated the United States, and which will roll like a wave across Europe; against contraband narcotics and weapons, which terrorists feed on. Our border is the border of European values. This border will always remain open to the likes of Andrei Sahharov; it must be sealed to Hitler and Stalin replicas. Take this message back to your homelands, with the assurance that Estonia has a strong determination and will, but that Estonia does not need rhetoric, Estonia needs the means to effectively control its border - which is also your border, it is our common border.

6.

Yesterday I travelled through Estonia and addressed audiences in Tartu, Viljandi and Pärnu. I saw Estonia as if for the first time: it is a new land, full of hope and potential, but also a land burdened with worries. At the moment, we live on idealism more so than bread. The bearer of this idealism is the older generation, which knows and remembers that Estonia between the two world wars was transformed into a powerful and dynamic republic only through hard work. Idealism is also borne by the Estonian youth, just as at the time the Manifesto was proclaimed. For this reason, allow me to ask: can the Manifest, our country's birth certificate, teach us anything still today? I assure line, its every line is educational. Its most important lesson is simple: time is short and time will not wait for small nations. I already mentioned effective control over our state borders as the first priority. As a second point I would like to stress that man cannot live on idealism and love alone, however great a patriot he may be. Pensioners, young families and many farmers, however not all, are facing hard times. The return of land has stumbled over inadequate legislation and this legislation is emerging slowly, however psychological factors also play their part: perhaps we will somehow survive. I believe that we have to take a more differential approach to the transformation of agriculture: we have to preserve profitable farming operations and accelerate the dissolution of non-profitable ones. But let us not forget, in all our enthusiasm, that the one time forced collectivization should be distorted into its direct opposite, forced de-collectivization. The fields, as the people, are tired of waiting. Farmers needs security since farms are established for generations. The government and state should play a greater role in the transformation of the economy until this transformation has been set on a steady path. And from here I dare proceed to our customs policies. We have misinterpreted free trade to mean customs free trade. We are confident in free market principles and we will remain faithful to them. Yet sometimes we acts like shy virgins who do not dare to look below the naval, because we are afraid to violate the high morals of a market economy. However, each state determines its own economic interests and, in necessary, protects its domestic market. We can not and must not follow the example today's Finland or Sweden, rather the Finland or Sweden of the 1950s, in order to stimulate the domestic market, accelerate blood circulation, and increase purchasing power. I want to stress: we will not retreat one inch from our principles. However along with strategic solutions, we must find solutions to urgent matters. Spring is knocking on the door.

The transformation of industry to market economy principles has been successful and there is a real potential that this restructuring will soon gain a strong momentum.

The principle factor, as always, is man. Man's power of initiative or, reversely, his habit of waiting for commands. The mentality of the people is also in a period of transition. And here, I am convinced, we must apply our entire knowledge of man. The steps we must take may be small, but steady. Control over our borders will reduce crime. Yet we do not have months to guarantee a feeling of security, this must be a matter of weeks. We must lead people by the hand to the second chapter of the Constitution and prove to them in practice that the rights it provides are for people, not for bureaucrats. That the second chapter, which forms an entire third of the Constitution, is the key which opens the door to self-realization. And that this door has a low threshold: may every citizen have the right to enter the courts, Constitution in hand, for the protection of the balance between rights and duties. Herein lies the essence of a human-centric society, the sum of European moral values, and the ageless message of our Manifesto, as fresh today as it was 75 years ago.

The concluding words of my address have been borrowed from August Ots, parish elder of Valjala and an Estonian farmer, who with his dignity might provide an example for many politicians: "A man must work so hard that he does not need to cut his fingernails". Please, write these words down, and the ice will begin to move, the ice has already begun to move.

back | archive of speeches | main page